As our people study and activate and the Confederate holocaust -- the only one any American should be passionate about -- comes into focus, numerous places are emerging as former scenes of genocide against us. The Zionists have their Auschwitz, Treblinka, and Babi Yar, we have our Camp Douglas, Point Lookout and much much more -- with the difference that theirs is a via dolorosa based on myth and hype, ours genuine history long buried in the sands of time (and establishment "history").
Here's a page on a video some of our close friends have put together to memorialize the Mingo Swamp Massacre. I've never heard of it and haven't really read the page but confidently pass it on to you as a major event worthy of renown.
..................A group of Cato/McGee descendants and friends have undertaken projects marking certain civil war spots in Southeast Missouri. Our first successful project was the dedication of a roadside marker in Southern Bollinger County, marking the spot the Mingo Swamp Massacre occurred on February 4, 1863. The dedication was held on July 2nd and over 150 people were in attendance.............
Bob Krone Photography filmed the dedication. He is generously offering to sell copies of the DVD to raise money for the Greenbrier Project. This DVD is of very high quality, and includes the entire ceremony, and bonus picture slide show, with a moving speech by Mr. John Zdroj, Captain Co. E, 2nd Mo Cav reenactors group. Other participants include Mr. Clint Lacy, Chairman, Missouri League of Southern Voters, Mr. John Christensen, Missouri Division Commander Sons of Confederate Veterans, Mr. Adruain Cato, and several others.
Atrocities of the 1860’s are related to atrocities of the present. From the past the empire started and has grown worst and now the empire is a doomed wounded animal striking out in desperation. If events of the past were faced many events of the present would be understood, but the powers that be would not like the answers.
I've never heard of the Mingo Swamp Massacre either. It's a shame that these events get covered up and forgotten, just like an old cemetery in the middle of the woods. At least there are some who are getting the truth out.
"The Yankee is compelled to toil to make the world go around".....
George Bush: The Phantom of the Opry
Last week, George W. Bush hit what the mainstream press calls the heartland and what we call the South. His mission: to find our hot buttons again and freshen up the wool over our eyes. What better place to pitch his snake oil than the Grand Ole Opry?
The event took place at the Grand Ole Opry House by OpryMills. No doubt, had Bush visited the original Opry at Ryman Auditorium, his flying monkeys would've covered up the name of the Confederate Gallery. Bush, who ordered two Confederate plaques to be removed from the Texas Supreme Court under cover of darkness, surely wouldn't want to be associated with anything Confederate.
But that doesn't stop him from shamelessly manipulating Southern pride by expertly hitting all the right buttons to promote his agenda:
Appropriately, given the setting, Grand Ole Opry members and other country stars warmed up the crowd — including Larry Gatlin, Craig Morgan, the Del McCoury Band, the Oak Ridge Boys and Ricky Skaggs. Lee Greenwood sang his anthem, God Bless the USA.
With this Southern backdrop in place, he slyly defended his domestic spying program as something that any good Southerner would support:...............
Nelson, what were these 2 Confederate plaques he had removed from the Texas Supreme Court? I have never heard about this.
This just in also, per Southern Heritage News and Views -- a link to a new book of some kind called The Uncivil War.
The promo is in the form of a movie-like "trailer" of images and quotes. The quotes strongly indicate that the story is going to be told right this time; no clue as to whether it has any connection with the book of similar title we were discussing. I'd originally thought this was a movie of some kind but it's of interest regardless.
This too -- afine article by Al Benson on how real-life the events of The Outlaw Josey Wales were, with many ofAl's fine insights along the way.
Although this was only a movie, it was, in some instances, an amazingly accurate one. It was so accurate in some respects that Clint Eastwood, the star and director, never made another "Western" (actually, it was really a "Southern") for over nine years. One often wonders if the Hollyweird moguls pulled Ol' Clint aside and informed him that if he wanted his career in tinseltown to continue then he'd better not ever make another movie like that one.
The concept of Confederate surrender with the promise of amnesty, to be followed by Yankee-style executions, was not, however, something that was only the stuff of movies. It was, all too often, a fact of life in the border states after the end of the shooting stage of the War of Northern Aggression. I have been told that the Confederate Cherokees under Stand Watie in the Indian Territory after the war did not technically surrender. Rather they agreed to a "cessation of hostilities" in which they ceased fighting but kept their arms—otherwise there might well have been yet one more Yankee-style massacre..........
followed in SHNV by: A Little More Jayhawker History
(That Your School Books Forgot to Mention)
Al Benson, Jr.
Edited by: nelson
Good post Nelson, as this is something I have been telling people about for a while. Even though it is based on a novel, Josey Wales is one of the truest depictions of the bad side of the War that I have ever seen. The fact that it is given from a Southern perspective only makes it more real.
Thank you, CR. Perhaps I'd better not give you my full opinion of the movie -- it's extremely problematic for our purposes and sadly, IMHO, not what most people take it for. "So close, yet so far"....... [img]smileys/smiley5.gif[/img]
..........................................I'm further mining my inbox (gotta quite that habit) from spending much time out of town and came across this gem (thanks again, IHR). Thought about starting a new subject thread for "Allied War Crimes," especially America's, but you know, it amounts to the same thing. We live under a distinctly yankee superstate, and the following is exactly of a piece with the way this govt has always behaved, whether toward the Confederacy, foreign countries, or groups it doesn't like domestically.
Hypocrisy's the word!
<DIV align=left>Hundreds of Alaskans Died in US Camps After Japanese Attack</DIV>
<DIV align=left>By Jeannette Lee</DIV>
<DIV align=left>The story of how Japanese-Americans were interned during the Second World War is widely known, thanks to the best-selling book Snow Falling on Cedars. But few Americans realise hundreds of Alaskan natives suffered a similar fate, being forced from homes on the Aleutian and Pribilof islands when Japan's forces invaded several islands in the Bering Sea. Now a new documentary film, called Aleut Story, tells how they were taken to grim camps in the forests of the Alaskan mainland, where one in ten died. Many of the 881 Aleuts who were forced to leave were initially thankful to be ferried out of the war zone - until they arrived at five overcrowded and disease-ridden sites scattered in damp spruce forests in south-east Alaska 1,500 miles away. They were not suspected of spying or sabotage - as were many Japanese-Americans - but they were not allowed to leave the camps unless they were drafted into the military or coerced into the Pribilof fur seal hunt, which brought millions of dollars to the US government.
Edited by: nelson
I know what you mean about the movie, Nelson. It isn't perfect and doesn't serve what we are trying to do very well. It is a pleasant change from the current media take on the South though. I owna pistol that isidentical to oneused in that movie.
The Yankee elite made some very unwise alliances in order to hold on to the South, and the USA fell into the hands of the Internationalist who commits atrocities at ever turn and accuses their opponents of commenting them while denying that they (international socialist) are commenting atrocities and justifying commenting atrocities at the same time.
What the Confederates faced long ago, and still to a lesser extent face today, has been forced upon many peoples since by the Yankee elite and their allies. Only the Southern resistance to tyranny both during the War of Northern Aggression and “Reconstruction” kept the nation from falling completely under tyranny.
Well put, Michael! And in my book, reviving Dixie's hopes and strengths is the best temporal thing any concerned American could do in the here and now.
Now, an interesting piece of a news from a moldy old page of Richmond's daily hate-and-lie sheet, the Times-Dispatch: a book and review that show 18th-century Virginia planter Robert Carter III as most unusual man for his time and place. I don't thinkMr. Carter (my first cousin 8 times removed or thereabouts) and I would have gotten along too well, but this article is useful in pointing out that his was the largest private freeing of slaves in American history (with George Washington possibly being the second; can't tell from this text).
If truth be known, "for a long time slavery was as ubiquitous in the North as in the South"*, but the South has always led the way in responsibly working to get rid of that controversial but ultimately troublesome institution -- with Robert Carter and possibly George Washington setting the pace before the charlatan Abraham Lincoln was even born.
Author Levy puzzles over why history has ignored the phenomenon of Robert Carter's freeing of all his 400+ slaves, butthe reason for it should be obvious to any thinking person -- it didn't fit the PC agenda.
http://www.timesdispatch.com/servlet/Satellite?pagename=RTD/ MGArticle/RTD_BasicArticle&c=MGArticle&cid=103178348 7290
<H3>THE FIRST EMANCIPATOR: The Forgotten Story of Robert Carter, the Founding Father Who Freed His Slaves, by Andrew Levy; Random House, $25.95.</H3>
Robert Carter (17281804) was an immensely wealthy Virginia planter, a grandson of legendary Robert "King" Carter, and during the years preceding the American Revolution a member of the influential royal governor's council. In September, 1791, he did an astounding thing: He began to free his slaves, all 452 of them.
It was by far the largest private emancipation of enslaved people in American history, more than twice the number George Washington gave freedom when he wrote his will in 1799. Only the outcome of the Civil War freed more slaves than Robert Carter freed.
For a variety of reasons, few of Virginia's historians -- or historians of American slavery -- have paid much attention to Carter's 1791 "Deed of Gift," filed in the courthouse of Westmoreland County. That neglect, as much as the audacity of the emancipation itself, attracted Andrew Levy to the subject of this book.
ROBERT Carter was an unusual man among his peers, sometimes frivolous but often studious and meditative. He shunned the limelight and rejected in turn several important institutions of his culture: tobacco planting, the king, the Church of England, the Baptist Church, and finally slavery itself..............
* Smithsonian magazine Nov. 01, direct quote
Edited by: nelson
More interesting stuff there Nelson. I have never heard of this Carter myself. One more bullet for my weapon of Southern defense!
A Confederate officer captured at Gettysburg was writing to some friends on another subject when his mind turned to the Yankees:
Mind you, he's talking about yankees, not northerners. /\/
I throw this in strictly to underscore Yankee duality about race.
..........Applications have been made of colored troops for State defense. I judged that it would be bitterly opposed, and have, therefore, merely stated that I had no authority for accepting them.
I am, sir, very respectfully, yours,
D. N. COUCH,
O.R.-- SERIES I--VOLUME XXVII/3 [S# 45]
PHILADELPHIA, PA., June 18, 1863.
(Received 11.50 a.m.).......................
Per SHNV today..........
<DIV>From: firstname.lastname@example.org </DIV>
It was Phil Sheridan, not Sherman, who, at the surrender of Comanche Chief Tosawi in 1870, said "the only good Indian I ever saw was dead". However, good ol' Sherman made the comment that "We must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even to their extermination, men, women and children. Nothing else will reach the root of this case." And equally fine a fellow, Federal General John Chivington, who before the Sand Creek Massacre stated that even women, children and infants should be killed because "nits make lice". What a grand bunch of fellows. </DIV>
<DIV>LATER. The story in a nutshell</DIV>
<H2 =content-title>The North Was And Is More Violent And Racist Than The South</H2>
I never said the South was perfect. However the North was and is, in many ways, more racist than the South past or present. In 1741 New York burned blacks at the stake because they feared a slave rebellion. New York had the highest per capita number of slaves in America second only to Charleston South Carolina. Wall Street in New York City was built with slave labor. Northern states had "Black Laws" that prohibited blacks from moving into the state. This included Abraham Lincoln's state of Illinois. In 1863 New York City had draft riots and hung free blacks from the light poles in the city. The white residents did not want blacks to get their jobs while they were in the Union army. They even burned the black childrens orphanage. Even today the North is far more racist than the South. Jessee Jackson even admitted that blacks murder more blacks in one year than occured in 200 years of lynchings in the South. The Yankees hide it with their hypocrisy and the news media does not publicize it. The media hypes any incident that happens in the South and remains silent on incidents that happen in the North.
Reconstruction (1865-1877) was actually the plunder, looting, and rape of the Southern states by Northern carpetbaggers. They were like warlords with armies of former slaves. The carpetbaggers put the blacks up to mischief and had them burn houses and barns, shoot livestock and in some cases murder white residents and also conservative blacks that refused to participate. Uncle Sam's terrorist organization was officially named "The Union League" or "Loyal League". No you have never heard of it as the Northern socialist marxist historians who write the American history books have swept these facts under the carpet and never printed them. This official U.S. government terrorist organization is what caused the rise of the Ku Klux Klan. (I disdain the modern Klan) The original KKK can be compared to the French resistance that rose up during World War II to resist occupation by the Nazis. It was necessary for white Southern survival during this shameful period of American history.
During reconstruction and in the early 20th century mass numbers of black Southerners moved to the cities. Crime skyrocketed and the Southern states passed Jim Crow laws and segregated them. This was the most non-violent thing that could be done to solve the problem. By the end of WWII it was time for segregation to end but the Yankees caused strife by invading the South again with armed military and forcing integration. Blacks could have achieved respect and civil rights by acting responsibly and accepting their civic responsibilities. Many still do not. Yes, some Southerners did commit violent acts such as church burnings and bombings that were totally unjustified. The yankees provoked it. The yankee has always worked to drive a wedge between white and black Southerners for political gain.
I recommend reading the politically incorrect book "The South Under Siege 1830-2000". Then you will understand what is really happening in the public schools and why. Blacks have been told by Northern liberal socialists that they should be offended by Confederate symbols. Blacks have no understanding of the degree to which they are being used and manipulated and for what purpose. This book is available from amazon.com or from myself at email@example.com He who controls the past controls the present and he who controls the present controls the future.
The comments some people on this forum have made show that they do not have a firm and complete understanding of past and current events. The Civil War is not over as many ignorant people believe. It began about 1830 as a culture war. It escalated into a shooting war from 1861-1865. The war then continued as a cultural cold war. The South is under full scale attack today just as much as in 1861-1865. Due to the skillful propaganda of the Northern socialists, many Americans including Southerners do not even have a clue that they are in the middle of a war. They ignorantly think and believe the war ended 140 years ago.James W. King's blog | login or register to post comments </DIV>
<DIV></DIV>Edited by: nelson
Just in from SHNV:
"The ticket agent informed Hampton that his servants would not be allowed in the same car, as, Pennsylvanians "did not like to ride with Negroes". Hampton protested. He had been required to pay full price for their tickets, "and one of them is the nurse of my children". The agent still refused. The slave master from South Carolina was out of patience with Philadelphia prejudice. "I told him that I had paid their fare and therfore quite good enough to ride with his fellow citizens, and that they should get into my car. So I brought them in and kept them there.
~~ "Wade Hampton, Confederate Warrior, Conservative Statesman", Brian Cisco Pages 185-186
LATER per SHNV
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The Tragic Era, by Claude Bowers
LAND AND YEAR OF JUBILEE
Turning South from Washington, we shall not pause in Virginia, where the skies are clearing somewhat, albeit Mrs. John A. Logan, looking in on the legislature in Richmond found the spectacle 'repulsive,' nor in North Carolina, which we have visited before, but hurry on to Columbia, South Carolina, where the policies of 'loyal men' are in full flower.
The little capital is in a sorry state of debilitation, pigs grunting in the unpaved streets, the blackened ruins of flame-gutted buildings here and there, and near the town the pillars of the portico of what had once been the baronial mansion of the Hamptons. The town is teeming with negroes, in from the plantations to enjoy their freedom, and a visit to their quarter reveals them living in one-room log cabins, with wooden shutters and mud chimneys, and lolling and strolling in the sunny streets, some clothed in gunny sacks, and not a few of the children stark naked. In the fashionable section of the fallen society, which had impressed the cultivated LeConte as 'one of the most refined and cultivated' he had ever known, the fine houses are strangely silent now, little merriment floating out of the open windows on the night. A new society has displaced it, and there is no merging of the two. The wives and daughters of the officers at the barracks are sternly frowned upon by the women of Columbia. The new society, mixed in color, and composed largely of carpetbaggers, has gathered about the barracks, and this, known as the 'Gig Society,' parades the barracks grounds in its finery in the evening listening to the band, while politicians gather in groups in eager discussion of the latest swag.
Near by, we find the grounds of the university so recently presided over by the brilliant and eloquent Preston, but the buildings are now in desperate need of repair, and the grounds are tragically sad, like a deserted garden overrun by weeds. The Legislature of 1869, illiterate and corrupt, had seized upon the old institution for reasons of pillage, and soon the trustees had been involved in charges of corruption. A few poorly dressed underpaid professors and a handful of students are all that are left of the once flourishing university.
Driving down the fine, wide street back of the State House, with its great spreading oaks, where the aristocracy had blossomed inthe old days, we find the blinds of the houses drawn. Occasionally we pass a scion of the old families on his blooded horse, the last of his luxuries, but it is the speculator and carpetbagger, sweeping by a little insolently behind a dashing team, that compels our notice. At length we reach the beautiful white marble State House surrounded by a rough wooden fence, the grounds littered with all kinds of filth.Here let us enter and pay our respects to his Excellency Robert K. Scott of Ohio, by the grace of bayonets Governor of South Carolina.
A fine figure of a man is he who greets us, tall and erect as an Indian, with a manner arrogantly self-assertive. We are impressed mostly by his shifty gray eyes, keen and penetrating, as they peel from beneath an overhanging brow. About his mouth are lines indicative of struggle, bitterness, or meanness, but he greets w with a breezy cordiality. A soldier of fortune, this carpetbag Governor, who had elbowed his way in the California gold rush, worked as a common miner and prospector, practiced medicine, won his shoulder straps by gallantry in the field, and, entering South Carolina with the Freedmen's Bureau, had cleverly applied his demagogy to negro credulity and won his way to the State House. Congenial souls had accompanied him into office - Niles G. Parker of Massachusetts, in flight from criminal prosecution in his native State, in charge of the Treasury; Whittemore, purveyor of cadetships in Congress, and Frank Moses, Speaker of the House and Adjutant-General. In our meanderings we have heard much of Moses, member of a respected family, expelled from his college fraternity because of his low associations, a fast liver, utterly unmoral, a gambler and libertine who had seized upon the opportunity to share in the plundering of his own people. The gossips have told us of his frequenting negro cabins, kissing negro babies, swirling through the dance with dusky maidens in his arms in negro dance-halls, he has none of Sumner's academic notions of social equality - he lives what Sumner preaches. Gambling-dens, saloons, and brothels catering to both races, furnish him with his amusements. His manner of living has so enhanced his popularity that he is even now striding toward gubernatorial honors, and as we linger with Scott, he glides gracefully into the room and is presented. This degenerate bears the marks of his reckless and low living. His immaculate dress, the fluency and suavity of his conversation convey a momentary impression of gentility, but there is something in his heavy gray-brown mustache and shifty eye suggestive of his criminality and debauchery. Degraded women were important factors in redeeming South Carolina to the 'loyal' cause.
Even Scott was not without his weakness, for had he not signed hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of fraudulent convertible bonds in the room in the old St. James Hotel in New York under the persuasive influence of women and liquor? His reluctance had been overcome by the ringsters through the notorious Pauline Markham, of the burlesque stage, who had consented to seduce him for a percentage of the commission on the bonds. Saturated with wine and whiskey, lie had signed and sealed while I he delectable charmer counted and piled the bonds.
Enter now a third 'loyal' man, ironically known among the thieves as 'Honest' John Patterson, an alleged protégé of Simon Cameron, with a discolorful record in the Pennsylvania Legislature, who had been denounced by his brother-in--law as a 'swindler and cheat,' and had distinguished himself as pay-master in the army by stealing the money of the soldiers of an Ohio regiment. Thus had he qualified for the new statesmanship, and he is now looking forward to a seat in the United States Senate. 'Patterson will do what he says.' a friend explains. apropos of his sobriquet 'If he promises to pay you, he'll do it; if he promises to steal for you, he will do it.'
But it is time for us to leave - the three pillars of their party must confer.
Before visiting the Legislature, we shall have time to sense the social atmosphere of the reconstruction regime in Columbia. One of its first acts had been to forbid discrimination between races in streetcars, trains, and places of amusement. Governor Scott and his lady had thrown open their official entertainments to whites and blacks alike, and the races had mingled cordially at the mansion, to the delight of the educational director of the Freedmen's Bureau, who had reported enthusiastically to Washington. There had been some defiance of the equality law in Charleston, which 'The Nation' thought natural, if not proper, but Columbia was the political center and white men there bowed low over the hands of colored women, and found their way to the salon of a brown-skinned Madame Roland. Let us follow the fashion.
Once more we ride under the spreading oaks of the widestreet near the State House, recalling the stories we have heard of the young women we are soon to meet. The Rollin sisters, Katherine, Euphrosyne, Marie Louise, and Charlotte, daughters of a Frenchman by a colored mother, were concededly pretty, their complexion that of a mixture of the white and the mulatto. Inordinately proud of their French blood, they preferred to be known as 'Mesdemoiselles'; and in their exuberant moments with white callers dwelt mournfully on the pre-war days when slaves danced attendance on their pleasures. Two of the sisters had attended a school in Boston with a niece of Wendell Phillips, and Louise had gone to a convent school in Philadelphia. Carpetbaggers and negro politicians spoke admiringly of their learning as well as their beauty. True, one of the sisters had married the coal-black head of the militia, but the ladies of the salon spoke of her as of one dead. They could not abide her husband because of his color. Many amazing tales we have heard of the Rollin sisters. The talk ofthe lobby, romanticists insisted they really directed the destiny of the State through their relations with Scott and Moses; others declared their salon a mere clearing-house for the lobby. But here we are, at the house.
We draw up before a respectable white frame dwelling, to be met at the door by Marie Louise, the youngest, and conducted into a room and seated at an open window overlooking a garden in which a fountain is playing. A striking girl, with lustrous almond-shaped eyes, dimpled chin and teeth white and shapely that flash in smiles. On a table, we observe Byron's poems, the books of Gail Hamilton, some of Miss Alcott's stories, a copy of the 'Atlantic Monthly.' . . . Almost immediately Charlotte Rollin enters, she of whom we have heard as the 'Madame de Tench of South Carolina,' reputed to possess uncanny power over the statesmen of the new régime. The same voluptuous figure and lustrous eyes, but more at ease than the younger sister. Do we speak French? she inquires musically. Ah, it is the language of poetry, she thinks. But the papers, the dreadful papers, how dare they publish such stories about her and her sisters? We venture to ask if the Rollin ménagereally did determine the legislative policies of the State. Mademoiselle Charlotte smiles faintly, preferring to treat the suggestion as flattery. Then the lady bristles. What an outrage! - that report that she had written a letter to Frank Moses in the interest of a questionable claim. Of course she had done nothing of the sort. Moses might have forged one. And that absurd story that her sister Katherine was a major on the staff of Moses and got a salary. A joke, of course, perpetrated by Elliott when in charge of the enrollment of militia, and by Moses, 'then our intimate friend.' The lady of the salon chuckles reminiscently. 'He used to write us a number of notes' - and she smiled. Pleased with the memories, she produces a letter from Moses informing her that he was getting her a salary as a clerk in his office as a personal compliment, and because of her sister's marriage to the negro militia chief. The lady grimaces at the mention of his name. Her family did not condescend to notice the brother-in-law or Elliott - they were negroes; her people were French.
In glides Katherine, aged twenty-four, slender, graceful, her black silk rustling, her large black eyes shining, her long straight hair coiled behind. 'I just came from the reception at Governor Scott's,' she says enthusiastically, 'and had a very pleasant time there; he is a great friend of ours and we hope to see him President. He is a noble man, indeed.' Whereupon the three ladies of the salon draw their chairs in a semicircle about us, and forthwith we are in the midst of a literary conversation. Did we like Byron? 'What a dear reckless fellow he was, to be sure!' exclaims Mademoiselle Charlotte. 'I love Mrs. Browning above all the poets, and I like Victor Hugo... but Whittier I adore.
But we must leave this literary atmosphere for the Legislature.
We enter the House, where Moses, the Speaker, looks down upon members mostly black or brown or mahogany, some of the type seldom seen outside the Congo. Some pompous in glossy, threadbare black frock coats, some in the rough, soiled costumes of the fields, others in stub jackets and rough woolen comforters tight-fitting about the neck to conceal the lack of linen. A cozy atmosphere, too, with the members' feet upon their desks, their faces hidden behind their soles. Chuckles, guffaws, the noisy cracking of peanuts, and raucous voices disturb the parliamentary dignity of the scene.
On one side a small group of whites, Democrats, representing the shadow of the old régime, 'good-looking, substantial citizens... men of weight and standing in the communities they represent,' sit 'grim and silent.' Without influence here, they have even less in Washington. Mingling with the negroes we see ferret-faced carpetbaggers, eager for spoils; and, in the rear, 'Honest' John Patterson, vulture-eyed, calculating the prices of members. Two years hence he will reassure his kind with his classic statement that 'there are five years more of good stealing in South Carolina.'
Moses is hammering for order, members are shouting to one another, ridiculing the man speaking, asking silly questions. Ordered to their seats, the disturbers flop down with uproarious laughter, their feet upon their desks. Then, like a jack-in-the-box, up again. It is a lark, a camp meeting. The oily carpetbaggers simulate a share in the hilarity, 'Honest' John smiles approvingly, the little group of native whites exchange melancholy glances.
And now a negro orator is speaking, fluently, with many-syllabled words, ludicrously misplaced, flowing mellifluously, and there is cheering, laughing. And then, silence, for the most able and eloquent of the negroes, of whom we have heard in the salon, is on his feet. Men listened to Robert Brown Elliott, idol of the negroes, who did much to inflame their ambition and cupidity with disturbing speeches on social equality. Even the carpetbaggers are obsequious. Moses had barely defeated him for the Speakership, but patience, he will yet preside. Meanwhile, his cunning and eloquence are being converted into money. His domination of the Railroad Committee had stood him in good stead, and rumor bruited it abroad that large bribes from the railroads had found their way into his rapacious pockets. An able man, educated in England, with morals as low as those of Moses, a power in the State. But Elliott was an exception, for most of the negroes were illiterate, their intellectual level 'that of a bevy of fresh converts at a negro camp-meeting.' Some laboriously had learned to sign their names; many made their mark. When 'The Nation' asserted that eighty per cent could neither read nor write, and Tilton, of 'The Independent,' and the 'Charleston Daily Republican' protested, 'The Nation' asked the latter to 'inform us plumply what number of members were... able to read a page of the "Pilgrim's Progress" decently or intelligently.'
Meanwhile, amid the cracking of peanuts, the shouting, laughing, stamping, members are seen leaving and returning in a strange state of exaltation - they come and go in streams. Let us follow the trail to the room adjoining the office of the clerk of the Senate. We learn that it is open from eight in the morning till two or four the next morning, and now, as we push in, it is crowded. A bar-room! Solons are discussing politics over sparkling glasses of champagne, supplied by taxpayers. Here gallons of wine and whiskey are consumed daily. Members enter blear-eyed in the early morning for an eye-opener or a nightcap - some are too drunk to leave at 4 A.M. Champagne? Wine? Whiskey? Gin? Porter? Ale? - and the member orders to his taste. Does a special brand of liquor or fine cigars appeal especially? Boxes are ordered to the member's hotel or boardinghouse. 'One box of champagne, one box port wine, one box whiskey, one box brandy, one box sherry wine, three boxes cigars' - this the order for one negro member. When the chairman of the Claims Committee found one box of wine delivered to his lodgings, he indignantly wrote: This is a mistake; the order calls for two boxes of wine. Please send the other.' None but the finest brand of cigars was tolerated, and members, leaving, usually filled their pockets. Because of the visitors, lobbyists, State officials, enough liquor was consumed to have given each member a gallon daily, with no less than a dozen cigars.
Since even 'good men and true' could not live on wine alone, the State was taxed to supply the refreshment-room with Westphalia hams, bacon, cheese, smoked beef, buffalo tongue, nuts, lemons, oranges, cherries, peaches - much of which found its way to hotels and boarding-houses and the homes of the mistresses. 'The State has no right to be a State unless she can afford to take care of her statesmen,' said Senator C. P. Leslie. Yes, and their wives and sweethearts, too. Thus much of the taxpayers' money went into tapestries, rugs, table linen, imported chignons, ladies' hoods, ribbons, hooks and eyes, extra long stockings, bustles, rich toilet sets; and white and dusky sirens found the Golden Age.
A clubby crowd, too, these 'loyal men' of South Carolina; for when Speaker Moses and Whipper, a negro member who owned fast horses, arranged a race on a thousand-dollar bet, and Moses lost, did not the Legislature within three days vote a gratuity to the Speaker to cover his loss, 'for the dignity and ability with which he has presided'?
Now that darkness has come, we must see the night life of Columbia. Bar-rooms and dance-halls are crowded with negroes, and a sprinkling of whites. In hotels and boarding-houses, sharpfaced men converse with legislators in low tones; in rooms behind locked doors, legislation is being determined. The open sesame to legislative favor is the rattle of coin. Let us listen at the keyhole of one of the locked rooms, where the lawyer of a mining company is explaining to a negro member that he wants a charter for a mine. It will be good for the State and help the people, he explains. 'What is (lie thing worth?' asks the member. 'It has not yet been tried, hut we hope to make it profitable.' A burst of incredulous laughter from the legislator. 'You are green; I mean what are you willing to pay to get the thing through?' 'I am not willing to pay anything,' replies the lawyer. 'You are legislating for our people and we demand our rights.' The member explodes with laughter and the lawyer rises indignantly and makes for the door.' Clearly the mail was 'green,' as Honest' John Patterson could have told him. 'How did you get your money?' asked James Pike of a legislator. 'I stole it,' was the brazen reply. It was safe to make such admissions in South Carolina with Federal bayonets to sustain the system.
Thus stealing was a virtue, with decent citizens submerged and silenced. The only public opinion necessary to conciliate was that of thieves. Robbers included men in politics and out. Public officials made common cause against the Treasury. When one of these was charged with stealing, he replied, 'Let them prove it.' 'The Nation' was informing the North that South Carolina was 'almost completely at the mercy of white and black corruptionists.'
To sustain the system a party press was required; the corruptionists created one, and then stole public funds to subsidize it. These papers got public printing at outrageous rates, and then collected more than was called for by the contracts. Thus the 'Charleston Republican' should have received $24,538.20 under the rates, and received $60,982.14; the 'Columbia Daily Record' should have received $17,174.05, and was paid $59,987.64. Enough was squandered on the party press to have furnished each voter with a bound volume of the laws. When the 'Columbia Union-Herald' found itself neglected, it blackmailed the Ring into including it in the loot.'
The corruption in State bonds, criminally issued and divided among official gangsters, mounted into the millions, but bribery and bond-looting was not enough for this avaricious horde, which had recourse to the pay certificate steals. With thirty-five attachés in the Senate, pay certificates were issued for three hundred and fifty. Senators demanded and received these 'for friends and party workers' in their counties, who had never pressed the sidewalks of Columbia. When Moses, the Speaker, required more funds for his debauchery and made out a pay certificate for twenty-five hundred dollars, Lieutenant-Governor Ransier refused to approve unless included. A conference followed, and the five thousand dollars made out to 'John Gershon,' for 'room rent, fees, etc., for the Joint Investigating Committee in New York,' was divided between the presiding deities of the two houses.
When bribery, illegal bonds, pay certificates did not suffice, the thieves bethought themselves of furnishing the State House. Within four years a people on the verge of bankruptcy was forced to pay out more than two hundred thousand dollars for the purpose. There was a $750 mirror to reflect the dissipated face of Moses, docks for members in their private rooms at $480, and two hundred cuspidors at eight dollars each, for the use of one hundred awl twenty-four members. The quarters of Moses at Mrs. Randall's rooming-house were elegantly furnished at the State's expense. And yet, on the expulsion of the Radicals from power, there was less than eighteen thousand dollars in furniture to account for the two hundred thousand dollars spent; the rest was in the homes of the members and their mistresses.
Meanwhile, the North knew precisely what was going on, and when the Charleston Board of Trade served notice that bonds issued by the criminals would be repudiated, 'The Nation,' commenting, said that 'any one who takes these bonds not only helps to sustain a pack of thieves . . . but takes a thoroughly bad security.' Even Horace Greeley, a bit disturbed, was accusing carpetbaggers of preying on the credulity of the negroes.
And how did the corruptionists sustain themselves? The election of 1870 gives the answer. Because of the preponderance of negroes, South Carolina from the first had been the happy hunting ground of the Northern bandits. In 1870 there were 415,814 negroes to 289,667 whites. In Charleston there were 26,173 negroes; in Columbia, 5291. Thesewere not uniform in intelligence. Those on the coast and rivers were little above the intellectual level of the mules they drove. Even their jargon was unintelligible to the stranger. With abysmal ignorance and strong passions, they were easily organized and used by the Leagues and carpetbaggers.In Charleston, negroes with mechanical skill had accumulated property, and this was true in a less degree in Columbia. This more intelligent class sought to improve itself economically, and, in a meeting called for the purpose four years before, politics had not been mentioned. It was not with these that the Radicals dealt. They soon found among the negroes men of cunning, cupidity, and some ability, with whom they affiliated for the control of the great mass of ignorance, and this mass dominated the State. The political power of Charleston was nullified through the merging of its vote with that of the swamp negroes within a radius of thirty miles. When Governor Scott entered his second campaign in 1870, his chief reliance was on the blacks. On these he could depend, for woe to the negro who, retaining respect for the native whites, dared give them political favor. Negroes supporting the Democrats were constantly assaulted. When Stephen Riley, a former slave, joined the Democrats in 1868, he was repeatedly mobbed and beaten, and the Radicals chanted their contempt through the streets.
'Oh Riley, he am straight and tall,
He hab no bone in de back,
He bend and scrape to de white folks all,
An' forget dat he amblack.'
But 1870 developed some disaffection under the leadership of Senator R. H. Cain, a Northern black, artful in mimicking the Southern negro. A preacher, he had made himself a power through the 'Missionary Record' he edited, and his vigorous personality, unbounded energy, and organizing capacity.' No one had appealed more shamelessly to the lowest passions of his race or made more incendiary attacks upon the whites. Usually corrupt, though destined to be a Bishop, he pretended to he shocked by the scandals of the Scott régime, albeit his real grievance was the subordination of the negro to the carpetbagger. 'These long lank sharp-nosed gents may prepare for defeat,' he told his black audiences. 'The colored people have been sold often enough.' To offset this flank attack, Scott had with him on the ticket as candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, A. J. Ransier, a negro with no prejudices against pillage. Another advantage he had, too -James Lawrence Orr, a distinguished Carolinian, once Speaker of the National House of Representatives, and former Governor, went over to the Republicans in the vain hope that the corruptionists would reform themselves. He was to be rewarded with the mission to Russia, where he was to die, and tire flag of the Union League Club of New York was to be lowered to half-mast when his remains reached New York.
Even so the bitterness of a degraded people had become appalling - they were as a smouldering volcano. 'There is one recourse when all is lost - I mean the sword,' wrote Dr. Myron Baruch from Camden. 'What boots it to live under such a tyranny, such moral and physical oppression, when we can be much happier in the consciousness of dying for such a cause?'' The contempt for the scalawags had become cruel. Describing the deathbed of one of these, 'his couch not cheered by sympathizing friends or even loving relatives,' Dr. Baruch confessed to a feeling of sadness 'to see men made completely callous to the call of humanity by political differences.'
But the carpetbaggers under Scott were not alarmed; the bayonet was master of the ballot. Preaching the virtues of the Winchester rifle in a speech in Washington, Scott returned home to turn the negro militia loose upon the State at the beginning of the campaign. More than seven thousand rifles were distributed among negro militiamen, and the only white company was driven to disbandment by having a negro officer put over it.' These armed negroes were stationed in communities where opposition was most feared; and the constabulary force of five hundred men was sent with Winchesters into doubtful counties, whence it reported regularly to Scott, not on lawlessness, but on the course of the campaign. Rough, swaggering bullies, with badges and bayonets, they promised to overawe the whites. The negro militia drilled constantly, parading the streets with fixed bayonets, forcing citizens from the highway. Not satisfied with these, Scott imported from New York a gang of gunmen under 'Colonel' James E. Kerrigan, and, later, he and some of his men were to testify they had been employed to defend Scott and to kill his enemies. When even these did not satisfy, Scott called on Grant for Federal troops, and these soon appeared to reinforce the gunmen, the blustering constables, and the negro militia. The President assured Scott of all the military assistance required.
An amazing campaign, with Scott silent, depending on the guns. The negro nominee stumped the State with belligerent demands for social equality. An appointee of the Governor exhorted the blacks to 'defend their rights' with the suggestion that 'matches are cheap.' 'Taxes too high' said Beverly Nash, negro, to an audience of thousands. 'I tell you they are not high enough.' Colored men opposing Scott were beaten and divorced, for the women had been enlisted. The result was inevitable -- Scott, reelected by thirty thousand majority, plunged deeper than ever into pillage. It was after this that the railroad and furniture scandals reached their peak. Senator Robertson was reelected to the Senate - the purchase price about forty thousand dollars.
Such was South Carolina - let us hurry on to Louisiana..............
The shame of racism -- in NY!
<DIV>From: email@example.com </DIV>
<DIV>The Sunday Atlanta Journal Constitution has a review of Jeremy Schaap's book "Triumph: The Untold Story of Jesse Owens and Hitler's Olympics," about the man who won 4 gold medals at the 1936 Olympics.</DIV>
<DIV>"The nadir of this treatment came when Owens arrived in New York after the Olympics: The hero of the Games could not get a hotel room. Schaap writes that Owens and his wife 'spent a frustrating and humiliating night being rejected for service by hotel after hotel. Finally, the Hotel Pennsylvania gave them rooms -- on the condition that they use the service entrance."</DIV>
Edited by: nelson
Focus quote from current Southern Partisan magazine by the renowned Dr. Clyde Wlison of University of SC, "What is a Southerner?"
Great little summary of American history!
Southerners, both black and white, have a long experience of poverty. The most prosperous region in 1860, the South was from 1866 to at least World War II the most impoverished. In 1860 nearly all white Southern families were independent landowners. In 1900, forty percent of white Southerners were tenants of sharecroppers.
Edited by: nelson
The writer is a legendary Southern activist.
<div style="font-family: Courier New,Courier,mono; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; font-size: 10pt; line-height: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; color: rgb(0, 0, 153);"><div style="background: rgb(228, 228, 228) none repeat scroll 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial;">From: Billy Price
<div>To: firstname.lastname@example.org </div>
<div>Sent: Thursday, May 31, 2007 12:43 PM</div></div>
<div style="font-family: Courier New,Courier,mono; color: rgb(0, 0, 153);">
<div>Consider this, in those areas of the South where
loyalty to the union was perhaps as high as 50% of the population, maybe more
& maybe less, I have often wondered why the federal government never
rewarded those areas with industry,or anything for that matter, for their
serviceto the union. One would think that the yankees would have been grateful
for their service in keeping the union together & freeing the slaves. In
Alabama, Winston & Dekalb counties, along with the mountainous region of
northeast Alabama had some who held to their belief in the union. However, to
this day those regions economy lag far behind most of the areas of this state,
perhaps with the exception of the Black Beltpopulated mostly by blacks which,
is anotherstory & anotherfailure of the fed`s to help the recently freed
slaves & their decendantsin thatareas. Even the mountainous northern area
of my home county of St. Clair had some who were loyal to the union but, did not
have electricity until after World War Two. Some will argue that after the War
for Southern Independence the state of Alabama withheld funding for anything in
those areas of the state that showed the least bit of loyalty to the union. This
may or may not be so but, even if it was, where was the U.S`s loyalty to the
people of those areas who had served them ? Where is it today, over 150 years
later ? Could it be that the yankees lumped them together with the rest of the
South after the war & figured a bunch of hillbillies were due nothing from
the unionvictors ? I think this to be the case. So much for yankeecommon
courtesy & decency towards even those Southerners who helped them carry out
their dirty work of destroying the Republic of the founding fathers of 1776. The
word of a yankee is not even good when they give it to their own. Billy E. Price
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It appears I never answered Col. Reb's question about the plaques. Better late than never.
See second link for pictures!
<br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> This case, which is still generating news and headaches for President Bush (see current story, was filed 4 years ago on behalf of Texas Division SCV Commander Denne Sweeney and later on behalf of the Division itself by the Southern Legal Resource Center.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> The suit seeks to declare unconstitutional, then Gov George Bush's removal of the Confederate Memorial Plaques from the foyer of the Texas Supreme Court Building - a building built with Confederate pension money and designated by a constitutional amendment (voted on by the people of Texas) to be a memorial to Texans who served in the armed forces of the Confederate States of America (see Gov Bill Daniel & the Story of the Confederate Memorial Plaques). The two bronze plaques were removed on Friday, June 9, 2000, in the dead of night to prevent a temporary restraining order filed by the SLRC from being appealed to the Court of Appeals the following Monday.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> The Original Plaques placed in 1962 read:</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);">I RELY ON TEXAS REGIMENTS IN ALL TIGHT PLACES, AND FEAR I HAVE TO CALL UPON THEM TOO OFTEN. THEY HAVE FOUGHT GRANDLY, NOBLY, ...</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);">DEDICATED TO TEXANS WHO SERVED THE CONFEDERACY</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);">TX Supreme Court Plaque with CSA Seal and Dedication</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);">The "Lee Quote" Plaque was replaced with:</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> THE COURTS OF TEXAS ARE ENTRUSTED WITH PROVIDING EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER THE LAW TO ALL PERSONS REGARDLESS OF RACE. CREED OR COLOR.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> The "Great Seal Plaque" was replaced with: </span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> BECAUSE THIS BUILDING WAS BUILT WITH MONIES FROM THE CONFEDERATE PENSION FUND, IT WAS, AT THAT TIME, DESIGNATED AS A MEMORIAL TO THE TEXANS WHO SERVED THE CONFEDERACY</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> After extensive archival research performed by Attorney Charles Nettles and constitutional, statutory and legal research performed by Attorney Robert N. Jones, Jr. and the SLRC legal staff, the Southern Legal Resource Center filed suit on behalf of Texas Division on June 9, 2000 date. This lawsuit initially sought a Temporary restraining order to prevent the removal of the plaques - which appeared imminent.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> The Court refused to intervene and the very evening of the denial of the Temporary Restraining Order and before an appeal could be filed, the Plaques were jack-hammered off the building with the complete approval and cooperation of Governor Bush and the Texas Supreme Court.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Months of hearings and legal wrangling before the General Services Commission (the State entity who physically removed the plaques now the Texas Building and procurement Commission) followed as Texas Division tried amicably to resolve the issue without prosecuting the lawsuit. The State of Texas was given every opportunity to do the "right thing" before pushing the lawsuit was resolved on as the only remaining alternative. The lawsuit was significantly amended and is yet unresolved.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Immediately after the Plaques were removed a vigil sprung up in front of the Supreme Court Building. Complete with copies of the original plaques and a spray of Confederate flags, the vigil sought to inform Texans as to the illegal removal of the plaques and their significance to the building. For 3 years between 2-20 vigil keepers stood in front of the Supreme Court plaza almost every work day for 2 hours at lunch-time.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Texas Division retained Dallas attorney Bill Kuhn to proceed with the lawsuit in September, 2002.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Why the Plaques Case is so important to every Texas citizen and every American</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> When a sitting Governor (Who is now the President of the United States) can violate the Texas Constitution he is sworn sworn to uphold to enable him to cut political deals to help his Presidential campaign is an issue of concern to ALL Americans.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Although no longer attorney's of record on the case, the SLRC has a continuing interest in the litigation we researched, crafted and commenced. We hope this page will help educate all Americans as to the critical importance of this case.</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Respectfully submitted,</span><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"><br style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; color: rgb(102, 0, 0);"> Kirk D. Lyons</span>
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